It was good to read that Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer suggested that we “get past ourselves” and collaborate with others, highlighting ongoing policy coordination with the Green Party and the Labour Party. Green Party co-leader Chloe Swarbrick stated, “We’re meeting regularly as the leadership of the Greens, Te Pāti Māori and Labour and identifying where those areas are for collaboration”.
Chris Hipkins agreed on finding ways to work together, although, as might be expected, he was more lukewarm, arguing that Labour would be vigorously competitive during the 2026 election.
That position reflects statements made by Labour MP Willie Jackson at the 30 November Labour Party conference, where he argued that Labour needed to pitch its policies to a mythical “middle New Zealand” and distinguish itself from the Greens and Te Pāti Māori.
Jackson also said he was responding to “claims from the right” that Labour had been “captured” by the Greens and Te Pāti Māori. Perhaps he was rattled by an earlier Facebook post by Winston Peters, which included an image of Jackson literally in Debbie Ngarewa-Packer’s pocket.
The truth is that to ensure the coalition of chaos fails to obtain a second term; Labour also needs to get over itself and ignore the right’s race-baiting rhetoric. More than ever before, we need an alternative, progressive coalition of the willing from above and below. Kotahitangi is precisely what we need at the present conjuncture. Kotahitanga is, of course, one of the core values of social work in Aotearoa.
The present coalition government has been and continues to be utterly devastating to the social fabric of Aotearoa. This is a government committed to disunity, division and discord. In its short time in office, it has been hard at work to recolonise social institutions, roll back workers’ rights, dismantle our social support systems, refuse to invest in essential infrastructure, unleash market forces, and punish the poor. It rewards landlords, listens to tobacco lobbyists, and makes plans to drill for gas and build boot camps and prisons.
It is sometimes difficult to spot the themes that run through the many separate policies and pieces of legislation they intend to enact. Their spokespeople are not the most articulate; they don’t lay out a coherent vision for social change or make the case for a new set of values. They don’t join up the dots like Margaret Thatcher was fond of doing. But they are on message. One brutal step at a time, they are returning to the core neoliberal mission to end any notion of the public or collective good, to prioritise market economics, and to build a strong and muscular state to manage and control dissent.
This is a neoliberal government that is shifting the delicate balance between liberalism and democracy towards the former and away from the latter. In the name of “free speech”, they want to legislate for universities to permit pundits of hate speech and disinformation. Instead of deepening democracy and creating opportunities for co-governance in every social institution, they are acting to constrain democracy.
The New Zealand government is already one of the most centralised in the overdeveloped world. There is no second chamber of central government, and the scope and autonomy of local government are seriously constrained. At a time when many international cities are opening up decision-making and democracy to local citizens through participatory budgeting and citizen assemblies, the coalition’s Minister for Local Government, Simeon Brown, wants to restrict the scope of local democracy further.
In particular, the coalition wants to remove the four well-being provisions in the Local Government Act 2002, which allow local authorities to legally promote “the social, economic, environmental, and cultural well-being of their communities, taking a sustainable development approach.” Local government bodies are ideally placed to respond to community needs. They are close to the ground and capable of listening and responding to local people, especially when they take steps to engage the community and open up decision-making processes. However, the sole interest of the coalition is in dampening dissent and ensuring an environment for local businesses, not community well-being or social solidarity.
Closing down this coalition at the next election will require an alternative coalition from above and below. Te Pāti Māori, the Green Party and Labour understand how to work with social movements, including the labour movement, and have shown that they can do so at the many marches and protests called to resist this government, defend workers’ rights, support Palestinian liberation, and to toitū Te Tiriti.
What we need in Aotearoa today is not an appeal to “middle New Zealand” (whatever that is) but a broad-based populism of the left that shifts the so-called centre away from neoliberal norms towards an open, democratic form of socialism. That requires a heterogeneous, inclusive coalition, a movement of movements – including Māori, Pacific People and Tangata Te Tiriti movements – that respects differences while coordinating and working together under the banner of kotahitanga. Of course, political parties and social movements are distinct entities, often distrustful of each other, but we can work together, and in Aotearoa today, we must.
19 replies on “Kotahitanga: From above and below.”
So True, Thankyou.
Thank you for reading and responding Jayne.
Thanks Neil for pulling all these threads together. It often feels we’re being assaulted on all sides. This week I have felt shattered by the double attacks on social science funding. The impact on critical scholarship will be immense and particularly hit Māori and Pasifika scholars. And that’s not ‘incidental’ , it’s clearly by design. The coalition shows us that there truly are the enemies of anything progressive. And they are utterly intellectually bereft. They have a very narrow grasp of what is valuable.
There are so many things to be utterly outraged by that it’s hard to know where to start, but fight back we must. We can only defeat them by building a
united front. And by writing compelling arguments as you have. Kia kaha.
Thanks Liz, I value your feedback. At the present time, with the perpetual blitzkrieg of neloiberal projects, it can be hard to stay positive or articulate viable alternatives. That’s why I have been enjoying reading Erik Olin Wright, and, more recently, Laclau and Mouffe with their thinking about building a populism of the left. The National coalition have certainly fired up the left, the labour movement, Māori and many social movements. People are more than ever open to new political ideas and our activism needs to joined up and expressed in what Laclau and Mouffe described as “chains of equivalence”. This is a very rich and generative seam of ideas and well worth exploring https://www.thepolisblog.org/2013/12/mark-purcell-on-chains-of-equivalence.html
Given global crises and all the recent talk about “metacrisis” with the ugly end of the American States, the progressive non-corporate media seem to be urging a time prioritizing Coordination and Mutual Aid, cutting through the identity baiting and corporate news-cycle manipulation. Eg. TPPA (Rebranded CPTPPA) overlapping the NZ Flag Referendum. Now the bloody ACT Treaty overlapping the Coalition Regulatory Standards Bill. Time to wedge Labour by framing the debate around class.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_class
Thanks for your response Alistair. I agree that how we frame the debate is critically important and that Labour need to be nudged away from their reliance on listening to “middle New Zealand”. That is a perspective that is resonant of the old Blairite “retail politics” founded on focus groups and the philosophy of giving the public what it already wants. Instead, Labour and the left need to find a way of articulating a new “common sense”. Tapping into class identity is part of that, but so to is building connections and coalitions with other social movements, especially with Māori aspirations for mana motuhake. This paper by Doreen Massey written in the context of the UK rise of Corbynism has some interesting ideas, some of which might translate to Aotearoa https://journals.lwbooks.co.uk/soundings/vol-2015-issue-61/abstract-7482/
Wow! Identity baiting is a really good way to describe this process. Its a way for people who do not have a valid argument to respond with to distract the process of public discussion away from meaningful resolution. On the money!
Neil! I am long enough in the tooth to have seen some fairly horrible examples of government dating back to the Muldoon era however the aggressive neo-liberal push that has been happening since this coalition came to power aided and abetted by a weak and shallow PM is the worst example yet. The left definitely need to forge alliances with each other to try and ensure this is a one term government.
Agreed, it is quite extraordinary. It’s reminds me of the onslaught of Thatcherism in the UK in the 1980s but without any of the elabrorate narrative or political rationale. It also makes me think of a feral bunch of private school kids who have some how managed to get the keys to the school tuckshop.
Oops that was meant to read 100 percent Neil, the emoji I used was obviously not allowed.
One of the hallmarks of colonial thinking is ‘binary thinking’. To truly move towards a compassion and healthy society we need to evolve our language and thinking to a non-binary mode. This is our challenge on the liberal ‘left’. We buy into the ‘othering’ of the current coalition govt without deeply listening to what is behind their actions. Growing this capacity is essential to kotahitanga.
Many thanks for sharing your perpsective David. I’m not entirely sure what you mean by ‘binary thinking’ in this context, although you might be arguing that the left/right divide is an example of binary thinking, forgive me if I have misunderstood you. If that is what you mean then I agree that the left-right binary is oversimplistic and masks a complex and nuanced range of political positions. However, there are significant differences between the two clusters of views associated with democratic socialism on the one hand, and neoliberalism on the other. That is a distinction that remains valid even if the political spectrum is just that, a spectrum.
With regard to listening deeply to the coalition government to fathom what is behind their actions, I can only speak for myself, but I have been deliberately doing precisely that. And I don’t like what I have learned, especially with regard to the Act Party.
One final point, when it comes to the political, establishing a shared position is often the best way to create political change. That takes effort and negotiation with people who share your point of view, it involves recognising what you have in common as well as respecting your differences.
However, it also involves recognising those who do not share your interests and that our society includes powerful elites. Perhaps the ultimate binary is the one between the people and the elite, between oligarchs and democrats. In the end, when the listening is done, we have to choose a side.
Have a peaceful festive season David, and thank you for taking the time to respond (and apologies one again if I have misunderstood your point of view).
Thanks for the clarity of your response Neil. Yes indeed, “business” interests need to be much more at the heart of the debate.
Late neoliberal politics is too often a strife of interests masquerading as a contest of principles. The fog of increasingly desperate market fundamentalism is like the coloured fog on a kinetic battlefield.
I look thtough my battlefield binoculars at well-planned distractions timed to achieve full-spectum dominance of the political space, like a Trojan horse, concealing radical structural “adjustments” in precisely the same time frame. There was the “Flag Referendum” coincident with the TPPA. Now we have the ACT-shaped “Treaty Principles” circus coincident with the ACT-shaped,
National Party supported Regulatory Standards Bill. WTF?
Yes, there is a good analysis of the relationship between those Bills here https://e-tangata.co.nz/comment-and-analysis/the-dangerous-bill-flying-under-the-radar/
That is a very accurate description of the process NZers are experiencing. The success of this process relies on the confusion the majority of people experience which manipulates public opinions, and effectively stifles expressions of opposition or inquiry.
Many thanks Neil for unpacking and responding. The ‘binary’ frame is both helpful and critical in some situations (eg calling power imbalances), while also coming with a risk of trapping us in positions. I have a hunch that the scale and complexity of challenges facing humanity are such that we need to be open to some new ‘frames’ to understand and organise. Modernity is dying – and both the left and the right of the current political spectrum struggle to know how to respond in a way that enables them to gain the critical numbers. The historical swing between these two poles, is wasteful and a luxury in our current context. This doesn’t mean pulling back from the critical analysis as your article shares … this is a key ingredient. As you state, indigenous knowledge will be critical to reshaping this new frame that embraces (past, present, future – 7 generations) and reconnects people and whenua.
I wonder what holds us back from articulating a long term consensus for Aotearoa from which term-limited political parties via the forum of Parliament (less focus on the executive) each contribute to bringing into effect (Te Tiriti being fundemental in this). This wondering suggests at the first level, it is the fear of people with power and wealth losing it (or those without it, a fear of not being able to ever acquire it). If I’m truly honest, I can relate to some of those feelings in myself. At the next level it is the response to inter-generational trauma that my settler coloniser ancestors came with and I still hold (mostly without my awareness). This suggests that somewhere in our political discourses we need a greater appreciation of the need for healing to enable the stability for democracy to evolve to the next level – one that can help us navigate beyond modernity.
Thanks again for engaging with the argument, David. We certainly do need some new frames and to be open to different ways of thinking. I’m not so sure what you mean by the phrase that “modernity is dying”, although it might be a reference to postmodernism or what some, like Rosi Braidotti call posthumanism. I’m not a huge fan of of epochal thinking about the current conjuncture. I can buy the idea of the anthropocene since it helps to highlight the role of human activity in climate change, but I’m not sure that postmodernism or posthumanism helps us to move forward, and move forward we must. I suspect when we think more pragmatically about actual policy actions – such as a universal benefit scheme, state support for workers and housing cooperatives, and alternatives to incarceration – it might be easier to find common ground. Anyway, we have a lot of mahi ahead of us. Thank you for your work in Wesley Community Action; it looks like you’re engaged in some exemplary bottom-up development work.
Thanks Neil …. briefly, ‘modernity is dying’ is reference to our political economy built on on-going growth from mining fossil fuels – it ain’t sustainable. Yes, we need to evolve new ways of being in relationships that take us out of this trap. In our own little way, Wesley Community Action is trying to offer something to this goal – learning by doing. Appreciate your recognition.
Agree and in Gramscis words a Subaltern hegemony of diverse rights that can create a movement for position for political power other than that of capitalisms corporatismo (the politics of corporate rights over people’s human rights) ironically neoliberalism lays the groundwork for this new politics because it has smashed all the conservative institutions that held democracy to capitalism . This new capitalism moves in my opinion towards an empire of corporate wealth and that is a neoconservative move to restore power to the wealthy whom ever they may be. In any case the monopolising tendency of capital is not well suited to democracy unless it is tightly regulated. That didn’t work hence the neoliberal revolution overthrow of the social consensus but now this government is loosening more regulation for more chaos where the theory is bid business private power can fill the vacuum created by the loss of more social welfare. IMO.